Saturday, 14 December 2024

Christmas 2024

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Christmas each year is a time of celebration, mixing with family and friends, observing religious rituals notably prayer / carol singing and exchanging gifts. Usually there is a message of sharing goodwill and generosity to those around us. Often it is also a time of considerable stress and isolation for others where families are in difficult domestic circumstances or there is separation by time and distance between family members. For the very old, whom may have outlived their peers and partners it can be especially difficult.

The origins of the Christmas celebration are considerably more humble than the current focus of materialistic consumerism. Until the 20th Century it was a more modest time with the emphasis on the spiritual experience.

The modern Christmas tree with decorations originates from Central Europe, predominantly Germany and the countries now known as Latvia and Estonia with records suggesting it became a common practice in the 16th Century. The Renaissance period in Europe is the most likely point in time when it commenced and gained wider use within the Lutheran Church and the Holy Roman Empire. The tree was decorated with representations of roses made from coloured paper, apples, wafers and sweet meats with a later addition being some candles. In its current form, the Christmas tree with electrification is effectively an extravagent light show in contrast. 

With the earlier version of simplicity in mind, wherever you may be, Merry Christmas.

Friday, 13 December 2024

World Economic Forum - January 2025

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The next meeting of the World Economic Forum (WEF) will be held as usual in the Swiss ski resort town of Basel from 20 January to 24 January 2025.

What is the World Economic Forum ? 
The WEF is headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland, and is an international not-for-profit organization focused on promoting cooperation between the public and private sectors. It was founded in 1971 by German economist Klaus Schwab, and the forum seeks to "foster a spirit of collaborative entrepreneurship to address global issues and shape governmental, industry, and social agendas".

Who attends the WEF  ? 
Some 2,500 delegates and hundreds of other participants, observers and groups gather in Davos during this period and consequently the WEF claims "..it is possibly the largest assembly of global decision makers each year". The WEF describes its attendees as a "highly curated group of delegates from global business, government, civil society, media and academia who converge on Davos to address the most pressing issues of the day and ultimately develop solutions". "Curated" is itself a very unusual term to describe an an ïnvitation-only" event.  

What is the agenda for the January 2025 WEF ?
The WEF has published the theme for Davos as being “Collaboration for the Intelligent Age” with the program to be oriented around five interconnected priorities:

  • Reimagining growth. Given today’s geopolitical and economic realities, policy makers will need to look toward new sources of growth for the future. The digital economy already accounts for nearly 16 percent of global GDP and could form the basis for up to 70 percent of all new value created in the global economy over the next decade.
  • Industries in the intelligent age. Technology is now the primary driver of change and disruption across business sectors. To take full advantage of the plethora of opportunities, leaders will need a new tool kit to help themselves, and their organizations, adapt.
  • Investing in people. Technological advancements have created the need to reskill and upskill people to meet the demands of tomorrow’s economy.
  • Safeguarding the planet. Partnerships and dialogues that enable investment and deployment of new climate technologies are critical to making progress on global climate and nature-related goals. A scaling up of ambition, governance, partnerships, and capital will be necessary to achieve net zero.
  • Rebuilding trust. As the pace of change accelerates, societal divides have deepened as people around the world seek to reaffirm their identities. To move forward, stakeholders will need to find new ways to collaborate—both internationally and within their own societies.

The WEF is essentially a meeting of key economic leaders, organisations and ''drivers'' of economic and social activity.  It could be best described as a private sector/non government version of formal government forums such as the G7 or G20 or a form of capitalist mega think tank. The Davos WEF however cannot negotiate or manage global wide treaties, agreements or trade relationships as it does not have that role nor power. It has often been seen as quite exclusive and elitist despite its stated intention.

Tuesday, 10 December 2024

Syria and the collapse of the regime

Bashar al-Assad’s regime has fallen in Syria. How will this change the Middle East?

Ali Mamouri, Deakin University

The swift and unexpected fall of the Syrian capital, Damascus, to Sunni opposition forces marks a pivotal moment in the modern history of the Middle East.

Bashar al-Assad’s regime had withstood more than a decade of uprisings, civil war and international sanctions since the onset of widespread protests in 2011. Yet, it collapsed in a remarkably short period of time.

This sudden turn of events, with the opposition advancing without significant battles or resistance, has left regional powers scrambling to assess the fallout and its broader implications.

This dramatic development signals a reshuffling of power dynamics in the region. It also raises questions about Syria’s future and the role of its neighbours and global stakeholders in managing the post-Assad landscape.

What does the future hold for Syria?

With the collapse of the Assad regime, Syria now finds itself fragmented and divided among three dominant factions, each with external backers and distinct goals:

1. Syrian opposition forces, led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham: These groups, supported by Turkey, now control central Syria, extending from the northern border with Turkey to the southern border with Jordan.

Although they share a common religious identity, the Sunni factions have a history of internal conflicts, which could hinder their ability to form a cohesive government or maintain long-term stability.

The opposition forces range from former jihadists coming from Islamic State and al-Qaeda to secular groups such as the Syrian National Army, which split from Assad’s army after the 2011 uprising.

2. Kurdish forces: The Kurdish groups control territory in northeastern Syria, bordering Turkey in the north and Iraq in the east. They continue to receive support from the United States, which has established military bases in the area. This support risks escalating tensions with Turkey, which views Kurdish empowerment as a threat to its territorial integrity.

3. Alawite forces: Pro-Assad Alawite factions, primarily situated in the coastal regions of western Syria, maintain strong ties with Iran, Iraq and Lebanon’s Hezbollah militant group. These areas could serve as a stronghold for remnants of Assad-aligned groups after the opposition’s takeover, perpetuating sectarian divides.

The stark divisions among these groups, combined with the absence of a mutually acceptable mediator, suggest that Syria may now face prolonged instability and conflict.

How will this impact the region?

The swift fall of the Assad regime has profound implications for the major players in the Middle East.

The Sunni rebel forces, with strong Turkish backing, capitalised on a moment of vulnerability in Syria. The Assad regime’s allies were preoccupied — Russia with its ongoing war in Ukraine, and Iran and its proxies with their ongoing conflict with Israel. This provided a strategic opportunity for the rebels to advance swiftly across Syria to the capital, Damascus.

Turkey already effectively controls a strip of territory in northern Syria, where its military has been fighting Syrian Kurdish forces. Now, with the victory of its Syrian opposition allies, Turkey is expected to expand its political and military influence in Syria, causing more challenges for the Kurdish minority fighting for its autonomy.

Israel is also in a strategically better position. The fall of Assad disrupts the so-called “axis of resistance”, comprised of Iran, Syria and Tehran’s proxy groups like Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza and the Houthi rebels in Yemen.

Iran’s critical military supply lines to Hezbollah will likely be severed, isolating the militant group and likely weakening it even further.

Additionally, the fragmentation of Syria into ethnic and religious factions could diminish the regional focus on Israel, providing space for it to pursue its broader strategic goals. After Israel agreed to a ceasefire with Hezbollah last month, for example, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu emphasised a shift in focus to countering the “Iranian threat”.

Iran, meanwhile, has the most to lose. Assad was a crucial ally in Iran’s regional proxy network. And the collapse of his government follows the significant damage that Israel has already inflicted on its other partners, Hamas and Hezbollah. Iran’s regional influence has now been severely diminished, leaving it more vulnerable to direct conflict with Israel.

The fragmentation of Syria also poses significant security risks to its neighbouring countries – Turkey, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon. Refugee flows, cross-border violence and sectarian tensions are likely to escalate. Turkey is already hosting more than 3 million Syrian refugees – many of whom it hopes will return home now that Assad’s government is gone.

For Iraq and Lebanon, this instability could exacerbate their fragile political and economic situations. The Balkanisation of Syria along ethnic and religious lines could encourage other groups in the region to rebel against governments in the pursuit of their own autonomy. This risks entrenching divisions and prolonging conflict across the region.

While many Syrians have celebrated Assad’s fall, it remains to be seen whether their lives will improve much. With the absence of a unified and internationally recognised government in Syria, sanctions are unlikely to be lifted. This will further strain an already devastated Syrian economy, deepening the humanitarian crisis and potentially fuelling extremism.The Conversation

Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.